The oscillation of earlier systems morphed into the rise and fall of hegemonic core powers in the modern system. A series of hegemons emerged from the semiperiphery -- the Dutch, the British and the United States. Tributary empires survived into the nineteenth century, but they were increasingly supplanted by nation-states. And the colonial empires of the European states brought the whole Earth into a single relatively homogenous global polity for the first time.
The penetration of Qing China in the 19 th century brought this last semi-independent center into the fold of the now-predominant Europe-centered system of states. The evolution that occurred with the rise and fall of the hegemonic core powers needs to be seen as a sequence of forms of world order that evolved to solve the political, economic and technical problems of successively more global waves of capitalist accumulation. The expansion of global production involved accessing raw materials to feed the new industries, and food to feed the expanding populations Bunker and Ciccantell As in any hierarchy, coercion is a very inefficient means of domination, and so the hegemons sought legitimacy by proclaiming leadership in advancing civilization and democracy.
But the terms of these claims were also employed by those below who sought to protect themselves from exploitation and domination. And so the evolution of hegemony was a dynamic interaction between the global elites and the global masses.
World orders were challenged and reconstructed in a series of world revolutions Arrighi, Hopkins and Wallerstein ; Boswell and Chase-Dunn Political Globalization and Global Party Formation. The nineteenth century saw the beginning of what we shall call political globalization — the emergence and growth of an overlayer of regional and increasingly global formal organizational structures on top of the interstate system.
We conceptualize political globalization analogously to our understanding of economic globalization -- the relative strength and density of larger versus smaller interaction networks and organizational structures Chase-Dunn, Kawano and Brewer The most obvious indication of political globalization is the evolution of the uneven and halting upward trend in the transitions from the Concert of Europe to the League of Nations and the United Nations.
The waves of international political integration began after the Napoleonic Wars early in the nineteenth century. The trend toward political globalization can also be seen in the emergence of the Bretton Woods institutions the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank and the more recent restructuring of the General Agreement of Tariffs and Trade as the World Trade Organization, and the heightened visibility of other international fora the Trilateral Commission, the Group of Seven [Eight]. Some of the proponents of a recent stage of global capitalism contend that strong transnational capitalist firms and their political operatives working within national states have combined with existing international organizations to constitute an emerging transnational capitalist state e.
Robinson This version of the global state formation hypothesis claims that a rather integrated transnational capitalist class has emerged since the s, and that this global class uses both international organizations and existing national state apparatuses as coordinated instruments of its rule. A related perspective holds that the U. These perspectives probably overstate the degree of integration of class governance and U. The current reality is that both the old system of nationally competing capitalist classes and a very high degree of global integration now exist and these contend with one another to an extent that is much greater than in the past.
And while the United States is a much larger hegemon than Britain was, and does more completely hold global military power in its hands, U. An internationally integrated global capitalist class was also in formation in the second half of the nineteenth century, but this did not prevent the world polity from descending into the violent interimperial rivalry of the two twentieth century World Wars Barr et al The degree of integration of both elites and masses is undoubtedly greater in the current round of globalization, but will it be strongly integrated enough to allow for readjustments without descent into a repetition of the Age of Extremes?
That is the question. In addition to the formation of regional and global international organizations, the nineteenth and twentieth centuries also saw the emergence of transnational social movements and the enlargement of what has come to be known as global civil society. Specialized international and transnational non-governmental organizations e.
Abolitionism, feminism and the labor movement became increasingly transnational in nature. The Black Jacobins of the Haitian revolution, by depriving Napoleonic France of important sources of food and wealth, played a role in the rise of British hegemony Santiago-Valles These kinds of effects of resistance from below became stronger in the middle decades of the 19 th century — the years around the world revolution of Non-elites were becoming transnational activists.
The decreasing costs of long-distance communications and transportation were now allowing some non-elites to play a more important and direct role in world politics.
The Abolitionist (Waterman: Master and Servant #1): Waterman: Master and Servant, #1
These developments ramped up during the Age of Extremes, the first half of the twentieth century. Internationalism in the labor movement had emerged in the second half of the nineteenth century. Global political parties were becoming active in world politics, especially during and after the world revolution of The Communist International Comintern convened large conferences of representative from all over the globe in Moscow in the early years of the s. The history and evolution of global party formation is treated in several recent works on this topic that are considering current developments at the World Social Forum Chase-Dunn and Reese forthcoming; Sehm-Patomaki and Ulvilla ; Patomaki and Teivainen Global party formation is playing a role in deepening the participation of the peoples of the Earth in world politics, and thus in the process of global state formation.
The Comintern was abolished in , though the Soviet Union continued to pose as the protagonist of the world working class until its demise in In Trotskyists organized the Fourth International to replace the Comintern, which they saw as having been captured by Stalinism. The Fourth International suffered from a series of sectarian splits and the huge communist-led rebellions that emerged during and after World War II were led by either pro-Soviet or Maoist organizations that held the Fourth International to be illegitimate. Conventional portrayals of the history of the Comintern focus mainly on sectarianism, vanguardism, intolerance of diversity and Soviet domination and these are held up as lessons for contemporary transnational movements in terms of what should be avoided.
A closer look at the red networks may also reveal valuable clues about how to put effective international and transnational organizations in motion. The Bandung Conference in was an important forum in which the leaders of the emerging nations explicated Third World interests. But the heady days of transnational social movements were overshadowed by the Cold War and the Keynsian national development project. It was only after the demise of the Soviet Union and the attack on the developmental state model by Reaganism-Thatcherism that a new wave of transnational activists began to form into a global justice movement.
Contemporary Contestation in World Politics. While transnational social movements date back to at least the Protestant Reformation, the scope and scale of international ties among social activists have risen dramatically over the past few decades, as they have increasingly shared information, conceptual frameworks and other resources, and coordinated actions across borders and continents Moghadam In the s and s, the number of formal transnational social movement organizations TSMOs rose by nearly percent.
This rise in transnational organizing contributed to, and helped to produce the global justice movement.
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The global justice movement includes a variety of social actors and groups: unions, NGOs, SMOs, transnational advocacy networks, as well as policy-makers, scholars, artists, journalists, entertainers and other individuals. Two important sections of global civil society and transnational activism are: 1 The participants in the World Economic Forum WEF , who tend to see neo-liberal corporate globalization as a positive development, and 2 those that identify with the global justice movement and attend the World Social Forum WSF. The WSF and the WEF represent two rather different slices of global civil society and may presage a new era in global party formation and political contention over the future of world society Carroll a,b; Chase-Dunn and Reese forthcoming.
And yet some of the discourse and goals of the two forums overlap, and some individuals and organizations participate in both. The WEF was established in as a non-partisan independent international organization committed to improving the state of the world by engaging leaders in partnerships to shape global, regional and industry agendas. The WEF invites discussion among corporate and political leaders who want to help cope with problems that are exacerbated or not resolved by corporate globalization.
They are concerned about the environment and poverty in less developed countries and about corporate social responsibility.
Beck further argues that the transnational capitalist class does not need to form political parties, because its power is translegal and does not need legitimation. While this may be true to some extent, it is still the case that one may discern an evolution of political ideology that is promulgated by the lords of capital and the states that represent them. The Keynesian national development project that was the hegemonic ideology of the West from World War II to the s was replaced by neoliberalism, a rather different set of claims and policies.
William Carroll a, b traces the history liberalism and neoliberalism as it emerges from the eighteenth century, takes hiding in monastery-like think tanks during the heyday of Keynesianism, and then reemerges as Reaganism-Thatcherism in the s and s. The further evolution can be seen in the rise of the neoconservatives in the s, and concerns for dealing with those pockets of poverty that seem impervious to market magic in the writings of such neoliberals as Jeffrey Sachs Necessary or not, the transnational capitalist class and its organic intellectuals engage in efforts to legitimate its own power, and this can be seen to interact with popular forces.
Thus did the advertised concerns of the World Economic Forum shifted considerably after the rise of the World Social Forum. The World Social Forum WSF was established in as a counter-hegemonic popular project focusing on issues of global justice and democracy. Whereas the first meeting of the WSF in reportedly drew 5, registered participants from countries, the WSF meeting drew , registered participants from countries. The WSF is open to all those opposed to neoliberal globalization, but excludes groups advocating armed resistance Teivainen Participants vary in terms of their affiliations with particular movements and different types of organizations.
Less connected local and national campaigns mix with long-time veterans of transnational organizations and internationally coordinated groups Smith The WSF has inspired the spread of hundreds of local, national, regional, and thematic social forums Byrd ; Della Porta Several outcomes are possible, including a repeat of what happened after the last decline of a hegemon -- another world war among core states Chase-Dunn and Podobnik Manifestos Galore in the World Revolution of 20xx.
It is in this context that a new world revolution is brewing. One issue is whether or not the World Social Forum itself should formulate a political program and take formal stances on issues. A survey of attendees at the World Social Forum meeting in Porto Alegre in asked whether the WSF should remain an open space or should take political stances. So trying to change the WSF Charter to allow for a formal political program would be very divisive.
But this is not necessary. The WSF Charter also encourages the formation of new political organizations. So those participants who want to form a new global political organization are free to act, as long as they do not do so in the name of the WSF as a whole. At the end of the meeting in Porto Alegre a group of nineteen notable intellectuals and activists issued a statement that was purported to be a consensus of the meeting as a whole.
At present there is an impasse between those who are willing to risk charges of Napoleonism and those who want proposals and totemic texts to bubble up from the movements. And there are also important disagreements about both goals and tactics.
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The issue of process is strongly raised in several of the critiques of the Bamako Appeal in a collection of documents published just before the World Social Forum meeting in Nairobi in January of Sen et al Several sessions at the WSF in Nairobi discussed the Bamako Appeal, the processes that produce manifestos, resistance to promulgations by intellectuals, and alternative proposals for collectively producing manifestos and charters that would allow grass roots activists to participate e.
The Multicentric Network of Movements. Just as world revolutions in the past have resulted in restructuring world orders, it can be presumed that the current one will also do this.
But do the activists themselves agree on the nature of the most important problems, visions of a desirable future or notions of appropriate tactics and forms of movement organization? We performed a network analysis of movement ties based on the responses to the WSF Survey. Human rights, anti-war, alternative media, anti-globalization and environmental movements are strongly linked with one another and are bridges to almost all the other movements See Figure 1. Figure 1: The network of WSF movement linkages. Figure 1 shows the network structure produced by examining the patterns of those who say they are actively involved in movements.
All the movements have some people who are actively involved in other movements. In order to compare the relative sizes of linkages among movements we eliminate connections that are below the average number of linkages. While no single movement is so central that it could call the shots, neither is the network structure characterized by separate cliques of movements that might be easily separated from one another.
Remember that Figure 1 does not show all the connections in the network but rather shows those connections that are significant in size relative to all the connections in the network. This structure means that the transnational activists who participate in the World Social Forum process share goals and support the general global justice framework asserted in the World Social Forum Charter. It also means that this group is relatively integrated and is not prone to splits.
A Third Worldist and cosmopolitan united front approach that pays attention to the nature of this network structure can have reasonable hope for mobilizing a strong force for collective action in world politics, though solutions need to be found to address the issues of process that have become apparent in the first wave of manifesto-writing. North-South Issues. But there are difficult issues for collective action that are heavily structured by the huge international inequalities that exist in the contemporary world-system and these issues must be directly confronted.